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dimarts, 31 de maig del 2016

Derna Shura: We have no links to Al-Qaeda and Muslim Brotherhood

31.05

Exclusive interview with the Head of Media Office of Derna Shura Council Mohammed Idris Taher, well-known as Deeskah

For renegade General Khalifa Haftar and his puppets, those who oppose Dignity Operation are terrorists! They can be ISIS affiliates, Al-Qaeda-linked extremists, or Muslim Brotherhood members. Derna Shura Council is no exception. This council was categorized by Dignity Operation as an ISIS group, but later after the defeat of ISIS in Derna by council fighters, the categorization has been changed! Now, Dignity Operation and its affiliated media claim that Derna Shura fighters are a group of Al-Qaeda who are supported by Muslim Brotherhood!
The Libya Observer has spoken to the Head of Media Office of Derna Shura Council Mohammed Idris Taher, well-known as Deeskah, and had this exclusive interview:
 Libya Observer: What is Derna Shura Council and what is it formed of?
Deeskah: Derna Shura Council has resulted from the persistent armed resistance that came after the start of February revolution, which aimed at toppling the source of oppression and persecution and replace them with justice and equality, thus establishing a rule that does not act by favoritism among the Libyan people. Derna youths were one of the significant elements in the revolution and part of the sacrifices made to see the revolution successful. Therefore, with the passing of the last five years and with what Derna particularly went through, Derna Shura Council of Mujahedeen was formed. The council is formed from Abu Salim Martyrs Brigade, Saladin Brigade, Revolutionaries Council, and many youths who believe in the February revolution principles. 

Libya Observer: Dignity Operation, led by Khalifa Haftar, and some media outlets accuse you of being terrorists and part of Al-Qaeda and say that you have foreign agenda. Are you at all linked to AL-Qaeda or any other groups?  
Deeskah: When Derna Shura Council of Mujahedeen controlled the city and kicked out IS militants from it in no more than three days, escaping to the outlying district of Al-Fatayeh, it was in a strong position and sent many messages to everyone. The most important message was that the council had nothing to do with any groups or organizations outside Libya, saying that Libya is the only thing it cares about. Therefore, we emphasize that we are Libyans from Derna. We gathered to end the oppression, thus our words united targeting the defeat of the enemies, and so our actions made the cut with our words. As a result, we have never pledged allegiance to any foreign party or organization. Regarding Haftar’s allegations, they are countless. After IS militants retreated from Derna, Haftar had not excuse left for him to enter the city except promoting the term Al-Qaeda on the media so that he can bomb us. Even if the council’s role ended and an alternative one replaced it but came against Haftar’s mind, then he would definitely find many excuses to toss it into the circle of terrorism. In short, we have made it crystal clear that we are not linked to Al-Qaeda nor are we linked to Muslim Brotherhood, yet we are some youths from Derna who gasp for stability and security in all Libya, and particularly in Derna. 
Libya Observer: You are accused of being against the efforts to build the Libyan state and the Libyan police and army. How do you respond to those accusations?
Deeskah: We are not against the army and the police or against the state institutions. We say so not only by words but also by actions, which are so many. After our victories in Derna, we invited all the honest people from the security institution to come back and reactivate the judicial, security and service departments in the city. Some of them responded positively and a lot more feared to respond being afraid of getting arrested or chased. However, the Derna police station was reopened again by security personnel known for their qualification and experience. In addition, the municipal guard and traffic police started as well their duties in the city, drawing a wide smile on the faces of the Derna residents as they saw the state institutions were taking shape for the first time in five years. Nonetheless, some days later after the municipal guard had been reactivated, two of its members were arrested for being part of its reactivation and they are jailed in Qirnada prison, which is under the command of Khalifa Haftar, until today. 
Libya Observer: Some accuse you of being flatterer to ISIS and that you did not face them militarily despite your city’s suffering saying you only fought them when they assassinated your senior leaders. What do you say about those accusations?
Deeskah: We do not deny that Derna has gone through many security violations and that Derna’s residents have been terribly terrified. After that, IS militants took full hold of the city. However, to be fair, we must go back in time to December 2013, when Derna locals took to the streets calling for deformation of the security formations, urging the then-government of Ali Zaidan to prevail security and stability in the city by forming state security departments. Zaidan promised he would do what the locals demanded of him, then the residents took to the streets again and called for putting an end to the brigades in their city, so we were the first ones to act by the residents' call. We left the security headquarters empty and so did Zaidan as he left the city and all its squares void of the least security forces. As a result, the cells loyal to ISIS group, especially those who came back from Syria and Iraq, started to return to Derna to lay the foundation of ISIS group in the city. After that, they assassinated tens of police officers, judges, lawmakers, and media figures in the city. They also assassinated some members from Abu Salim Martyrs Brigade, which is the core component of the Derna Shura Council, because they knew well that we and they have completely different ideologies and stances. We then announced the formation of Derna Shura Council of Mujahideen at the very same time Haftar was trying to plunge the city into war under the pretext of terrorism. We were ready to fight them, but when ISIS wrongdoings mounted and started to violate the security and safety of the locals, we announced publically in a well-known statement named “An Ultimatum for the Takfiris” that we warn this group of any more violations of Derna residents’ safety. Therefore, when the first fight against ISIS was due, we save no efforts to kill and defeat those terrorists despite Haftar’s attempts to help the militants out of the battlefield by attacking our forces while Daesh was being sourly defeated.    
Libya Observer: How do you describe your war on IS?
Deeskah: War on ISIS group needs fixed and clear faith not bright slogans. We saw that they were oppressors just as Haftar was with Derna residents. The ISIS group used to kill people on the ground in Derna and Haftar’s warplanes used to kill them from the sky. 
Libya Observer: How do you describe the suicide and explosive attacks done by  ISIS group in Libya?
Deeskah: Suicide attacks are a horrifying method used by ISIS to terrify its enemy and weaken the opponents’ morale, which is a tricky method that doesn’t differentiate between an attacker and an innocent person. We had been attacked by many of those suicide attacks, sometimes we managed to foil them, but some other times, we were hit by them. 
Libya Observer:  Today, after the defeat of ISIS, Dignity Operation forces, led by Khalifa Haftar, are eying the control of Derna and threaten to bombard your locations. In your opinion, why?
Deeskah: According to the political scene, Haftar has become a different person than he was before. His project became so weak especially as the war in Benghazi got prolonged. In one city, Haftar used thousands of fighters and citizens, yet he could not have it under his control. He is now trying to make Derna under his grip along with Benghazi so that he can negotiate in the future using them to make the world believe that all of Libya’s east is under his command and he can split if he had to. Therefore, Derna project is hindering Libya’s division and working on maintaining its unity. Dignity Operation forces have most of what they claimed and it is funny how they claimed that they freed Derna from ISIS, saying on the media that they stormed ISIS hideouts in Derna, then in reality their warplanes bomb the city. It is ridiculous also how Dignity Operation forces said they freed Al-Fatayeh district and then they warn citizens of staying in the district or passing through it as it is a target for Dignity Operation warplanes. Don’t these inconsistent stances make those claims just as sarcastic as they could ever be? 
Libya Observer: But Dignity forces officially alleged they had kicked ISIS out of Al-Fatayeh mountains. Is that right? Did Dignity Operation forces take part in the war against ISIS?
Deeskah: Dignity forces took part in supporting ISIS even if this support was not direct or public. After the ISIS group was trapped in a very small area and after we went out in an all-out war against, Haftar’s forces entered from the western entrance and clashed with the council’s fighters, which obliged us to end the battle against ISIS and push Haftar’s forces out. Haftar’s forces arrested the injured and held the ambulance then sold it in the black market. Moreover, after months of suffering, we could at last besiege ISIS in a small geographic area and its strength was waning; however, Haftar’s forces blockd the road that links Derna to Al-Fatayeh district from the southern entrance and thus besieging our forces on Al-Heelah frontline. Then one evening, ISIS carried out a violent attack on the council’s forces on the frontline and after the ISIS militants escaped from Al-Fatayeh district after the besiegement, Derna residents were so happy that ISIS dark era has come to an end going out to the public squares celebrating the victory. Yet, their joy had not exceeded some hours when Haftar’s warplanes shelled the revolutionaries’ camps. Moreover, since the announcement of completely liberating Derna from ISIS on April 20 until today, Haftar’s warplanes carried out more than 50 airstrikes and in one of them, two civilians were killed.    
Libya Observer: In its latest statement, the council said it is going to take the battle outside Derna and will drop the defense strategy to use the attack one. To what extent is the council capable to do so and is it able to attack Haftar’s militias instead of being content with just defending itself against them?
Deeskah: Derna Shura Council had proposed many initiatives aiming at reconciliation and turning over a new leaf by striking peace with the districts on the coat-tails of Derna. After we defeated IS and kicked it out of the city, we closed all the security checkpoints that ISIS used to have with the neighboring districts and then we opened the road for everyone. After that, we called for reconciliation and we kept on proposing initiatives repeatedly. However, after Haftar’s forces were readied on the fringes of Derna, equipped massively with their weapons to attack Derna, this statement came hoping that the wise can fathom that war is painful and that to start a war is easy, but to end it is never so. The statement was directed at the wise asking them to have a decisive word that can push Haftar away from Derna. Regarding our fight against Haftar, it won’t be worse or any tougher than the fight against ISIS militants, who were defeated by our council and Derna’s youths with the help of Allah. 
Libya Observer: What is your stance about the current political conflict in the country? Which side are you on?
Deeskah: We are watching the ongoing developments, but we do not have a political party or representatives for the council. In fact, we are not involved in politics because our aim is to secure and stabilize Derna and provide its residents with their needs. However, regarding loyalty, Libya has considerably split into three governments; the parliament’ government, the General National Congress’s government, and the Presidential Council one. Now each one of them appears clearly split. Therefore, we have no loyalty to any of the three because the political track is hazardous and changeable and we only want to secure Derna.
Libya Observer: Is there any connection between you and the forces fighting ISIS in Sirte now? Are you ready to give a helping hand if you were asked to?
Deeskah: Colonel Basit Al-Shaari and Lieutenant Muftah Hamza, who are among those that believed in Derna’s case and came to fight alongside Derna’s residents against ISIS militants, are now in Misrata.
Colonel Basit is from Tobruk and came with a group of revolutionaries accompanying the deceased colonel, Mohammed Bu Ghafaier from Al-Bayda, and others, to help Derna out of its ordeal. He is now in Misrata recounting the tactics of ISIS militants to the forces in there and telling them how to deal with them. There is no harm in helping any Libyan national to eradicate this criminal group, which considers the Libyan blood valueless.    
Libya Observer: How do you describe the situation in Derna today?
Deeskah: We have invited all foreign and Arab media outlets to visit Derna and report what they see regarding the current state of affairs in the city because what people from outside Derna see and what journalists report will be truer. Derna is now living in an unprecedented stability. If we say that the crime rate in Dern is zero, life basics are there and various activities are being held weekly as well as civil societies are competing to put out their best so that all takes part in making Derna a real model. Anyone can come to Derna and see if what we are saying is true or not.  

Hafter holds council of war in Benina

29.05

By Maha Sulaiman

Armed forces commander-in-chief Khalifa Hafter held a council of war with his eastern commanders, though the meeting was not attended by Chief of Staff Abdul Razak Al-Nazhuri.
The main subjects were the army’s build-up for an advance towards Sirte and security in Benghazi once militants have finally been defeated. It is understood that discussion focused on the logistics of the army concentration to the south of Ajdabiya and the plans for the westward advance.
Another key concern has been that once the army had regained complete control, Benghazi would be subjected to classic terrorist attacks designed to undermine security and sow alarm.
In this connection, there is clearly no mood to reopen Benina Airport to civilian traffic, even though work to repair the terminals and aprons is said to be nearing completion.
One senior commander at today’s war council held in the military airbase on the other side of Benina told this newspaper that civilian flights were not about to resume any time soon. “It would be a disaster if an airliner was hit by a random missile” he said, adding that reports that the airport would shortly reopen were plain wrong.

Libya unity government makes anti-IS advances as French pen $500m oil deal

31.05

Fighters aligned with UN-backed government capture Bin Jawad and head west towards the birthplace of former leader Muammar Gaddafi 

Fighters allied with Libya's UN-backed unity government have captured a coastal town from the Islamic State group in an advance towards its bastion Sirte, a spokesman said on Tuesday.
The Petroleum Facilities Guard overran Bin Jawad, some 150km east from Sirte, as they thrust westwards along the Mediterranean coast from their base in Libya's eastern oil ports, the force's spokesman said.
Five people were killed and 18 wounded in Monday's fighting, sector commander Colonel Bashir Buthefira said.
The advance continued on Tuesday and was nearing the IS-held town of Nofiliya, some 130km east of Sirte, best known as the birthplace of former leader Muammar Gaddafi who was overthrown by a NATO-backed uprising in 2011.
The UN, however, has continued to urge all the country's armed groups to unite against IS which Italy recently estimated could have some 5,000 armed fighters on the ground in the north African country.
"The fight against Daesh, which is the number one enemy, must be a Libyan fight and a united fight," UN’s special envoy to Libya, Martin Kobler, said on Tuesday using an Arabic acronym for IS, after meeting French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault in Paris.
Ayrault also went on to call for rival administrations to patch up their differences and "unite their efforts" into a single national army that "must be put in place," although he was quick to stress that this looked prospect "a long way off".
Two rival parliaments – one in Tripoli and the other in the eastern city of Tobruk – have been vying for power since 2014, with the ensuring power vacuum blamed for IS’s quick rise in the oil-rich country.
While a UN unity deal was penned last year and some members of the unity government have been able to come to Tripoli in recent months, divisions remain and not all members of the two rival bodies have endorsed the UN-backed Government of National Unity.
Controversial General Khalifa Haftar, who has been allied with the Tobruk-based authorities, also continues to command the support of several militias and parts of the national army that have thus far resisted the new Tripoli administration.
Western governments have hopes that a unified government will be better placed to take on IS and tackle the migration crisis which has seen more than 45,000 people cross the Mediterranean to Europe this year.

$500m oil deal

However, with the economy devastated by years of strife, there is broad recognition that more will have to be done to financially support any new authorities.
French firm Technip on Tuesday signed one of the biggest deals since the unity government arrived in Tripoli in late March, penning a preliminary contract worth more than $500m to rebuild a major oil drilling platform off the coast of Libya, officials said.
Technip signed the letter of intention in Paris with Mellitah Oil and Gas, a joint venture between Libya's National Oil Corporation and Italy's Eni.
The drilling platform lies in the offshore Bahr Essalam oil field, 100km from the capital Tripoli.
"The project demonstrates the desire of French companies to contribute to the petroleum sector, the backbone of the Libyan economy," France's foreign ministry said in a statement.
Libya has the largest oil reserves in Africa, estimated at 48 billion barrels, and rebuilding the energy sector is a top priority for the new UN-backed unity government.
Since the 2011 civil war that brought down Gaddafi after decades in power, production has fallen from around 1.5 million barrels per day to 300,000.
The announcement comes as oil prices continued their upward trajectory to around $50 a barrel, up from lows of below $30 earlier this year.  

Libyan security forces pushing Islamic State back from vicinity of oil terminals

31.05

AYMAN AL WARFALLI

Libyan security forces captured a second town from in as many days from Islamic State, a spokesman said, pushing the militant group back toward its stronghold of Sirte and away from positions near major oil terminals.
The Petroleum Facilities Guard took control of Nawfiliyah, about 130 km (80 miles) from Sirte, though fighting outside the town raged on and some PFG members had been wounded, spokesman Ali al-Hassi said. The PFG captured the nearby town of Ben Jawad on Monday after clashes that killed five of its combatants.
PFG forces say they are fighting on behalf of a U.N.-backed unity government that arrived in Tripoli in March to try to end factional chaos prevailing since Muammar Gaddafi's fall in 2011, with Islamist militants taking root in the security vacuum.
PFG forces have advanced since separate brigades aligned with the unity government pushed Islamic State back to the outskirts of Sirte from the west.
Western states are counting on the unity government to bring together Libya's armed factions and tackle Islamic State, which has exploited anarchy in the oil-producing North African state to establish its strongest base outside Syria and Iraq.
But the new government faces a tough task integrating Libya's complex web of armed groups, and has failed to win support from key political and military factions in the east.
On Tuesday it announced an operations room to run the campaign against Islamic State on the coastal stretch between the eastern town of Ajdabiya and Sirte, which includes the PFG-controlled oil terminals of Es Sider and Ras Lanuf. It did not say which forces would be under its command.
Islamic State extended its presence along some 250 km (155 miles) of Mediterranean coast on either side of Sirte, and in January attacked Es Sider and Ras Lanuf.
Islamic State has lost no significant population centers in its coastal zone over the last week but if government-backed brigades hold their ground, the jihadists' buffer zone around Sirte would have shrunk significantly.
The PFG is a thousands-strong paramilitary force set up to protect Libya's oil installations.

(Additional reporting by Ahmed Elumami; Writing by Aidan Lewis; Editing by Mark Heinrich)

Who is the Founder of ISIS in Libya?

29.05

On Saturday the media center for Operation Strong Foundation (Albinyan Almarsos) reported that Khalid Al-Shayeb, also known as Luqman Abu Sakhr, had been killed in a battle against Libyan forces in the region of Al-Baghla last week.
The Libyan Prosecutor General is still waiting to confirm his identity, however, his body has been recognized by ISIS detainees held at the Special Deterrent Force in Tripoli.
Sakhr was born Khaled Al-Shayeb in 1984 in Algeria and was appointed Emir of the Uqba Ibn Nafaa Brigade, the Tunisian branch of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), in 2012.
Sakhr was reportedly behind the attack on the Tunisian Interior Minister Lotfi Ben Jeddou’s home in May 2104. Tunisian officials claimed that Sakhr led the operation, which killed four security officials with the help of other terrorists from the Al Qaeda-linked Uqba Ibn Nafaa Brigades.
Two days after the attack on the Interior Minister’s home, Colonel Mohammed al-Hijazi, the spokesman for General Khalifa Haftar, announced that Sakhr had been arrested on the Tunisia-Libya border by Haftar’s forces.
However, on March 18, 2015 after terrorists attacked the Bardo National Museum in Tunis,killing 23 people, mostly foreign tourists, the Tunisian government suspected Abu Sakhr of planning the attack along with eight others from the radical group Uqba Ibn Nafaa.
Tunisia’s Minister for Internal Affairs said that the Bardo attackers received their training in Libyan military camps.
In addition, Tunisian police claimed to have killed Sakhr along with eight other armed men during a raid in the southern Gafsa region on March 28, 2015.
In July 2015, a spokesman for Haftar’s forces recanted al-Hijazi’s previous claim that Sakhr was apprehended in 2014 on the Tunisia-Libya border, denying that Sakhr was ever captured.
It has been suspected that Haftar’s forces did in fact capture Sakhr in 2014 and later released him.
The Libyan military said that Abu Sakhr was believed to be one of the first founders of the Libyan branch of ISIS and was responsible for the assassination of many Libyan army officers in several regions of the country.

ITALY INTERESTS


OFFENSIVE OVER SIRTE


Rome’s Fight for Libyan Grand Bargain

30.05

Arturo Varvelli
Libya has always been among Italy’s priorities in foreign policy, if not the main item on the country’s agenda. The Vienna conference (16th May) was co-chaired by the United States and Italy. The Conference tried to give a new impulse to the solution of the Libyan crisis. 
On 12 April of this year, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Paolo Gentiloni made a visit to Tripoli. Gentiloni was the first high representative of a foreign government to visit Tripoli after the new UN-backed administration took office, and the first Western official to visit Libya since 2014. He met with the government’s leader Fayez Serraj, who had reached the capital by sea not without difficulty only two weeks earlier. More than any other country, Italy has supported Serraj and labored for his appointment. For the past three months Italy has worked behind the scenes to create the conditions that would clear the air of any hostility surrounding his arrival to Tripoli, in particular through the efforts of Gen. Paolo Serra, senior advisor to the UN envoy to Libya Martin Kobler. 
Gentiloni’s surprise visit aims to consolidate Italy’s role in the crisis in Libya and to pledge the country’s commitment to new efforts to stabilize the country politically, economically and from a humanitarian standpoint. It is certainly too early to claim that the mission has been accomplished – because in Libya instability appears to have become endemic, for a number of reasons – but this is undoubtedly a step forward for Rome’s strategy, that in the past few months has struggled to take off. This was mainly due to the declarations made by some members of the Italian government, who incautiously announced the country’s willingness to take part in a possible military action (going so far as to provide figures for troops allegedly to be deployed, but without much detail in terms of objectives and scope of the intervention). Furthermore, Italy has to face growing pressure from some of its partners, who are naturally more inclined to opt for a more muscular approach, either directly or indirectly, to Libya’s political problems, which are certainly irksome but that do not preclude the possibility of a rational solution. 
The Italian position is rooted in two realistic considerations: 1) a peaceful and long-lasting future for Libya can be envisaged only by way of a political agreement among the parties, and not as a result of an external military action that would likely generate additional unrest. This is true also with regard to the fight against IS. Historically Libya has witnessed a piling up of failed state governments and a surge of jihadist groups, while at the same time all the actions undertaken in the Middle East (from Afghanistan to Iraq) in the past 15 years have failed to contribute to the stabilization of those areas; 2) Italy’s political, economic-commercial and energy stakes in Libya (witness the recent investments by ENI in the country) are concentrated in Tripolitania. Here, the Mediterranean coast is a main departure point for migrants to Italy. It is therefore in Italy’s best interest to maintain good relations with those in control of this part of the country by acting as a mediator and trying to facilitate a recomposition of the political and military scenario in Libya. In this sense the Italian position has appeared coherent, subordinating Italy’s support to a preventive agreement among the parties and the recognition of the new government by the international community.
Critics against the Serraj operation maintain that the new government is nothing but a puppet operated by the UN: the vote of the parliament in Tobruk that would legitimize the government is still to come; the solution appears to some extent imposed by the UN; Serraj still lacks (and perhaps always will) territorial control over the whole country. It is true that Serraj’s appointment is only the first step and that much remains to be done to create the conditions that would ensure some level of “autochthonous” stability. The bottom-up process needs to be fostered and encouraged, as a sort of Libyan “Shura” that would trigger an earnest nation-building process, something that has been postponed for too long. 
A new legitimacy is not impossible and Gentiloni’s arrival in the capital, followed by representatives of France’s and Great Britain’s Foreign Office, seems to indicate that the safety of the new government is poised to become progressively stronger, also thanks to the quiet support of Italy and international partners and mostly thanks to the fact that once Serraj gains control of the country’s finances, oil and gas exports – Libya’s main sources of income - will resume. When it comes to legitimacy, where there is a will, there may be a way. 
While the signs that come from Tripolitania are messages of hope for the reconstruction of a single national authority, in Cyrenaica a number of issues remain on the table. The pro-Egyptian general Khalifa Haftar has remained ambivalent towards Serraj, declaring that the methods adopted to bring the Presidential Council to office in Tripoli were reminiscent of a coup and that “part of the population demands the formation of a military council”, while ensuring at the same time that he intends to “stay out of political matters.” Haftar and Egypt are currently biding their time and trying to understand whether or not the new arrangement in Libya can prove effective for the country as a whole or if Cyrenaica will be “forced” into a secession. The French President François Hollande, who visited Cairo at the end of April, has expressed official support to the national unity government, while signing with Egypt deals worth billions for the supply of French weapons, some of which may end up in Haftar’s hands, and he appears reluctant to dismiss the General as a possible option. In their final statement at the Vienna conference, the 21 participant nations said they would cease contacts and support to “parallel institutions,” and said Serraj’s government was “the sole legitimate recipient of international security assistance”. This is a small victory for Italy. Nonetheless, at the same time, Haftar was recognize as legitimate political actor: the international community and UN mission will try to integrate Haftar in the government structures and avoid a split of the country.
The strained relations between Rome and Cairo over Giulio Regeni's murder further muddles the waters for the Italian diplomacy as it strives to put back together the Eastern and Western parts of the country. It was a mistake to believe, in recent times, that Egypt would adopt a more conciliating stance towards the role of General Haftar and would stop supporting him. It may be a case of history repeating itself: in 1970 Aldo Moro hoped that Nasser would mediate with Gaddafi on behalf of Italy over the question of the Italian community. In fact, those hopes would go unfulfilled when the Egyptians replaced in Libya the 15 thousand Italians that were ousted by Colonel Gaddafi. Recently al-Sisi stressed in an interview to the Italian newspaper La Repubblica that Haftar is still a viable option. And this remains, to date, a crucial point for Italy. 
Arturo Varvelli, ISPI Research Fellow and Head of Terrorism Program
http://www.ispionline.it/it/pubblicazione/romes-fight-libyan-grand-bargain-15156

Arturo Varvelli

Presentation
Arturo Varvelli is ISPI Research Fellow and Head of Terrorism Program. In 2006, he earned a PhD in International History at the University of Milan, where he works as lecturer in History of International Relations. In 2007, he was post-doctoral fellow at CRT Foundation in Turin. He has extensively published (articles and volumes) on Italian-Libyan relations, Libyan domestic and foreign politics, Italian foreign policy in the Middle East and Mediterranean region. He was editor of some Italian on-line newspapers and now he is editor in chief of the on-line newsletter ISPI Dossier providing scenarios on international politics.
He takes part to research projects commissioned by research office of the Italian Chamber of Representatives and Senate, the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as European Parliament.
He is regularly interviewed on issues of foreign affairs (Mediterranean and Libyan) by national (Rai,MediasetSkyLa7Sole24Ore, etc..) and international networks (New York TimesTime magazineXin Hua, CBS Australia, etc…). Author of three books (“L’Italia e l’ascesa di Gheddafi”, BCDe 2009; and “Libia. Fine o rinascita di una nazione?, con Karim Mezran, Donzelli 2012; "Dopo Gheddafi. Democrazia e petrolio nella nuova Libia", con Gerardo Pelosi, Fazi 2012;), and many articles/chapters including in journals and think tank web sites such as Brookings Institution. He is member of the international network “GR:EEN - Global re-ordering” and "Arab-Trans", large-scale integrated FP7 researchs project funded by the European Commission and the University of Warwick.

Contacts
Tel: +39 02 863313292
E-mail: arturo.varvelli@ispionline.it

Languages
Italian
English

Expertise: 
  • Italian-Libyan relations
    Libyan domestic and foreign politics
    Italian foreign policy 
  • Jihadism in North Africa
Pubblicazioni: